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There are a plethora of reasons for the persistency and prevalence of female circumcision, popularly referred to as female genital mutilation (FGM).  Scholars and FGM activists maintain that the practice has persisted despite campaigns designed to eradicate the practice, not only because of popular perceptions of it as a rite of passage and cultural ritual, but as a direct consequence of its association, however, erroneous, with religious belief and its place in mythology (Hayes, 1975; Obermeyer and Reynolds, 1999, Saadawi, 2002)  Hence, as this essay will argue, the persistency and prevalence of FGM in Africa can be traced to its cultural, mythological and religious origins.

Before delving into the reasons for FGM, a framework must be established in order to understand what role female genital mutilation plays within a society. The first question that must be addressed is can female circumcision be considered a rite of passage? If one answers this question in the affirmative, then one would have to show the conditions for a rite of passage to exist. By definition a rite of passage is “a ritual associated with a crisis or a change of status (as marriage, illness, or death) for an individual” (Agnes, 1990, p. 1018).  Although the excisions do not occur because of a crisis, they do, in fact, occur in preparation of a change of status, as in marriage, and the woman or young girl often takes on new roles after the operation is performed. Those operations that are performed on infants cannot by definition be considered a rite of passage since the change in status is not in the near future. Thus, FGM can be considered a rite of passage when it is performed in preparation for the new roles the girl will assume in her future marriage.  Indeed, the ritualistic components of FGM are evidenced by the preparations that are made for the operation. Girls are often given new jewellery, clothing, and gifts as part of the operation.   In some cases, a great feast will occur in celebration of the operation. From the definition, it can be concluded that FGM qualifies as a ritual.

Another reason often cited for FGM is that it is a fertility rite.  Saadwai (2002) comments that if FGM were intended to be a fertility rite, the excision would be partial and symbolic:  However, in the Sudan, after the girls are circumcised, they are then washed in the Nile as a fertility offering to the god of the Nile. There certainly are many aspects of FGM that make the connection with fertility rites a plausible one (Lowenstein, 1978; Salama, 1980; Saadawi, 2002).

Sociologists and anthropologists have tended towards concurrence with the perception of FGM as a traditional ritual and rite of passage.  Campbell (2006), most noted for his work on male circumcision, maintains that FGM is a direct offshoot  of  male circumcision rites among the ancient totemistic hunting groups. In these societies, there is an abundance of large game which led to the development of the art of hunting. Emphasis in the social structure was placed on the men as they were the providers. Wile the rite of circumcision in these societies reflected “a bias in favour of the males and therewith an emphasis on the sexual aspect of the rites and particularly on circumcision,” female circumcision evolved in complementarily to the male fertility dimension of this practice. (Campell, 2006, 320).

Some sociologists have argued an alternative theory, suggesting that FGM is an outcome of the desire of some primitive societies to control female sexuality and, thereby, ensure the paternity of children (Morris, 2003).   This argument is inextricably linked to the mother’s premarital chastity and fidelity during marriage, not the father’s per se. This line of thinking can be taken to its logical conclusion: perform a physical operation to keep the woman from having sexual relations outside of marriage. This will be viewed as necessary for societies that see the constraint of female sexuality as the necessary condition for continued propagation of the human race (Sanderson, 2001; Morris, 2003).

While they may disagree on the sociological and anthropological implications of FGM, both sociologists and anthropologists concede to the fact that the practice is ultimately rooted in primitive mythology.  Primitive mythology  of many African tribe, .including the Egyptians, supported a belief in the bisexuality of the soul which was reflected in their belief in the bisexuality of their gods. This was then carried over to the belief that every person is endowed with both masculine and feminine souls.   The excision of the male foreskin and the female clitoris was the necessary step in making them ripe for the sexual life and to ensure their fertility. Another mythological fertility belief is in the attempt to make the clitoris area smooth by excision (Body, 1982; Cloudsley, 2002).   This stems from the idea that the essence of a woman’s femininity is found in her fertility, not her sexuality. “Circumcision as a symbolic act brings sharply into focus the fertility potential of women by dramatically de-emphasizing their inherent sexuality. It ensures or socializes female fertility.” (Body, 1982,  p. 687).

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Not only is FGM rooted in societal traditions, cultural heritage and primitive mythologies which have been passed down from one generation to the next in African tribal societies but it has persisted throughout the millennia because of its receipt of religious legitimisation.   As FGM scholars, sociologists, anthropologists and historians have argued, Coptic Christians trace the origin of female circumcision to the Jews (Meinardus, 2000; Fakhouri, 2002; Hammond and Jablow, 2004). The principle source for this information is taken from Michael, the twelfth century Metropolitan of Damietta, Egypt.  He explains,

After Sarah had driven away Hagar from her house and her son Ismael with her, as the Law affirms, Hagar withdrew to Yathrib of the country of the Higaz and to Faran. And Ismael grew up, and God beautified him in the eyes of the women of the people of Yathrib, and they asked his mother to give him in marriage. And she said: ‘We are a circumcised people, both the men and the women of us and we do not marry, except with those like us.’ And when they had circumcised themselves, Ismael named them, and God fulfilled His promise to him, and granted to him twelve princes. And circumcision spread in that country and in that which was neighbouring to it, and it became firmly established among the Copts of Egypt when they witnessed the victory of God for the circumcised, namely the children of Israel. And when the Apostle Mark evangelized them, he did not disapprove it for them, and they continued it. (qtd in Meinaradus, 2000; 327).

Meinardus says the Muslims and Copts share the same view of the “ideal woman” as a circumcised woman. The Copts of Upper Egypt believe that “Mary, the Virgin Mother and Theotokos (God-bearer), was circumcised, for to think of her as being uncircumcised would be to question whether she was really a woman”  (Meinaradus, 2000, 328).

Not only was FGM sanctioned by Coptic Christianity but its legitimacy was further confirmed by Islam.  History indicates that in Medina female circumcision was practiced during the time of the Prophet Mohammed (Salama, 1980). In Islam, female circumcision is mentioned in several hadith, which are a collection of Mohammed’s sayings and a record of some of his activities. Hadiths are the foundations of sunna which are the reports by human sources on what Mohammed said and did, which in turn show the customs Mohammed practiced (Saadawi, 2002). One hadith states that as Mohammed was passing by a woman circumcising her daughter, he said to her “Do not remove all of it” (Meinaradus, 2000, p. 326). Another author discusses a different hadith that states, “Circumcision is my way for men, but is merely ennobling for  women” (Ammar, 2006, p. 120).  There is mention in Islamic doctrine regarding female circumcision. Since, however, Mohammed allowed excision in practice, but limited it in scope, there are grounds to believe that Islam does sanction some form of female circumcision.

As a direct outcome of its religious and cultural roots, not to mention centuries of practices, efforts to combat FGM have not met with the expected success.  In 2008, various United Nations agencies committed themselves to the effort to combat the practice.  Besides the launching of widespread awareness campaigns which are designed to educate populations on the hazards of the practice, these agencies are incentivizing governments to take a stand against FGM (Nation’s Health, 2008).  They are actively engaged in the incentivization of governments through the provision of financial aid, not to mention the funds that they pour into the relevant FGM awareness campaigns.  One of the governments which has positively responded to the call for the passage of legislature against FGM is the Egyptian government.  Persuaded that the harms of FGM were untenable and acknowledging that the roots of the practice were grounded in erroneous interpretations of religious doctrine and unsound and primitive cultural practices, the Egyptian government first implemented a ban upon the practice in 1995 (Hassanein et al., 2008).  This ban was accompanied by a nationwide campaign designed to spread awareness of the harms of the practice and to dispel the assumption that it was religiously sanctioned.  It did not and the ban had very little effect.  Therefore, the Egyptian government followed this up with legislature which criminalized the practice and held both parents and whomever performed the operation liable to criminal charges should they engage in the performance of FGM.  This